Bound By Deceit (Crossroads Of Inner Light Book 1)

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For Charlie Anderson the only thing harder than letting go is moving on. Orphaned at thirteen, Charlie has been on her own for over half her life. As Miranda searches for it in secret she discovers evidence that the grandmother she thought was dead may still be alive …. Blackwattle Lake For Eve Nicholls, walking up the driveway of her childhood home stirs up a whirlwind of emotion. The horses she loved still dot the paddocks but the house is empty, and the silence allows the past to come flooding back. Her plan is simple: sell the farm, grab the cash and get the hell out. Within days of her return Eve runs into all the people she hoped to avoid ….

Cross My Heart is the kind of story that grabs ahold of your feelings on the first page, and refuses to let go until the very last. I loved every word of this emotional and compelling story. Pamela Cook is a rare and extraordinary talent. Jodi is an Australian author of both contemporary drama and light-hearted rom-com.

POST-ELECTION IRAN: CROSSROADS OF HISTORY AND A CRITIQUE OF PREVAILING POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES

She lives with her family on a mini-farm in regional Victoria where she spends her time running the family business, writing, Today on Books Spark Joy we have a guest who really needs no introduction, but here it is anyway She rarely sleeps and never irons. A lover of Jenn and I have been on this crazy writing journey for around the same length of time and our career paths have been eerily similar.

First Name. Last Name. A story of deceit, betrayal and love that proves that in the end you can choose your family. The Crossroads.

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The only thing harder than letting go is moving on. Close to Home. Out Now! Australian Fiction Author Pamela Cook. Thanks for visiting my website. The progressive left though thankfully listened to its living heart rather than its comatose and antiquated imperialist theory. This is the remarkable revenge of the concrete against ad hoc and idealist applications.

Yet, the occurrence of this sea change in the s was remarkably coincided with a more widespread epochal reversal that closed the Pax Americana and inaugurated the commencement of a new epoch. In Iran, nearly two years of gradual disorder, civil disobedience, and decisive street demonstrations had ultimately led to the February insurrection. In the same year, the Nicaraguan Revolution reinforced the idea that something profound must be under way—something beyond the political geography and specific history of one region alone.

Yet, neither the fate of the Nicaraguan Revolution nor its tragic consequence in the hands of Reagan contras is directly pertinent to the subject here. At this intriguing crossroads, the pertinent question is this: while something is happening to the parts, what is taking place to the whole in an epochal reversal of fortunes? And if the whole is the political order of the Pax Americana, what should have been expected after the collapse of its infrastructure, namely, its economy and polity, and all the rest.

And if this international system had been all the while at the mercy of epochal forces i. Well—such a myopic concern is an indication of the fact that none of these policy makers had a faintest idea as to what happened to America, let alone realizing what happed to the entire world under the Pax Americana, during the compressed span of the s. Imperialism, hegemony, the Pax Americana, and the epoch of globalization are all historical concepts in need of validation by the concrete and specific period of living history; hence, each of these concepts is historically constrained or, conversely, inspired by the concrete reality itself.

Imperialism particularly in its Leninist connotation is not a timeless and unspecific or malleable concept that can be arbitrarily generalized for the latter stages of capitalism. Imperialism—as a system, as opposed to a policy thanks to Lenin —essentially belongs to a historical period in which the world is divided among the imperial powers, and via their national syndicates, consortia, or monopolies, they extend their contentious imperial interests.

This particular period had already prompted its contradictory effects in terms of the transnationalization of social circuit capital in all three forms, namely, commodity capital, finance capital, and productive capital. This, for instance, can be seen from the collapse of the most notorious cartel in history, namely, the International Petroleum Cartel, just before the globalization of oil industry in the early s.

And such an epochal departure is also commensurate with the worldwide class polarization and the transnationalization of labor-power across the global landscape. In other words, according to Marx, real competition in capitalism has a warlike quality that strengthens with further concentration and centralization of capital, as capitalism develops into its full-blown maturity. Moreover, capitalist competition—as permanent war of capital upon capital—gains further intensity, beyond the imperialist stage and throughout the entire capitalist mode of production.

Now, does this mean that the post-imperialist world will be free of war among the contending powers in the newly emerged polity? By no means—this only reveals that the potential driving force and underlying antagonism behind the incessant diffusion of power, changes in power structure, and the intensified conflict are being internalized deep within the polity, which ipso facto points to the futility of naked conquest in this era. Therefore, speaking of imperialism as an inanimate object—i. Therefore, this objective should take precedence over direct territorial i.

This of course is an elementary point that has been proven sufficiently by concrete history. As for the colonial powers, this boils down to epochal validation versus epochal invalidation, and it tends to be much messier. It cuts both ways: epochal change does not have a magic wand to prevent great powers of the bygone epoch to hold their fire and give up their annulled colonial seat peacefully; yet, if history is of any consolation, the arbiter of time through their own internal dissolution will eventually take them down with unquestionable objectivity and unwavering vengeance.

At the same time, the frequent shifts in power will undoubtedly lead to the renewal of systemic conflict in the newly formed global polity, which may intermittently intermingle with nasty and impromptu political contingences of the moment. The lack of distinction between bourgeois monopoly and real capitalist completion, on the one hand, and the imperial fetish and globalization of capital, on the other , compelled this otherwise incomparable journal to stumble badly on the cause of the US invasion of Iraq and the issue of oil, and caused the editors to veer off rather embarrassingly to the right by adopting a reactionary position on the so-called anti-imperialist nature of the regime in Iran.

The absence of holistic materialist methodology and the reliance on partial view of the world prevented the majority of the left, across the board, to appreciate that today geography and territory is not a stand-alone physical entity anymore; it is rather organically and inseparably embedded within the structure of social relations of global capital. And this is precisely the master-key to deciphering of orthodoxy and cracking of the puzzle of conceptual resemblance of the left and the right where it comes to identity of the present.

For instance, the plantation economy of American South an example of unmediated exploitation and direct coercion becomes erroneously hegemonic in the parlance of the left, and even the conversation among self-proclaimed Marxists. Yet, hegemony is a historically specific concept relevant to an entity that thrives on the internalization of contradictions and their resolution through the mediation of internal structure.

For instance, a feudal mode of production cannot be identified as hegemonic, due to the absence of an all-encompassing internalizing mechanism, and thus its quintessential reliance on solutions from without, such as systematic, explicit, and unmediated application of war. Colonial capitalism, on the other hand, was a mixed-bag, having to do with its paradoxical transitory configuration. Capitalism proper is the only mode of production that is potentially and specifically hegemonic, which by means of proliferation of the law of value arrives at actual hegemony.

These scholars, while accepting that there is not an iota of economic and political hegemony on the part of the United States, they nevertheless turn around and insist on the so-called US military hegemony. This fragmented view betrays the fact that hegemony—essentially an organic proposition—cannot be divided into its detached aspects, such as economic, political or military.

Furthermore, these scholars do not realize that alluding to such possibility is a cardinal sin, known as the fallacy of composition.


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Hegemony is: 1 the feature of the whole, not the attribute of the part; 2 mutually consensual among the constituents; 3 internally driven, not externally imposed; 4 historically unique and specific; 5 mediating through the epoch-driven, accommodating institutions. And once they served their purpose, these institutions—much like the crutch—had been thrown out, before capital walked upright and unrestrained beyond the vanishing colonial territory and cartel.

This is the very meaning of transnationalization beyond the border of the nation-state, which also implies worldwide polarization of wealth and capital, in tandem with class polarization across the globe. Consequently, the present epoch should no longer be bound by the necessity of physical access to raw materials or the external exercise of colonial conquest for the sake of territory.

And to say that this analysis is contrary to old Dependency School and World System Theory is an understatement. This crisis was an epochal crisis that via its chaotic shake-up inevitably dethroned the United States from the seat of global hegemony.

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The last point is a testimony to the adoption of a backward-looking foreign policy by the post-hegemonic US state. Moreover, such a foreign policy had already retreated to the pre-Pax Americana world, and for all intents and purposes is openly replicating the colonial policies of the British Empire at the end of its free-fall. The lack of insight on the part of traditional left i. The left tends to look at any contemporary invasion or conquest with intent to dress it up as an anachronistic theory suitable for an entirely different era.

Anachronism then turns to preoccupation with polemic against universalization of the social relation of capital, namely, globalization, and to its mischaracterization and misplaced reduction to neoliberal policies of the moment. The radical left fails to notice that the present world had already entered the era of globalization, defined by universal application of the law of value in contradistinction with neoliberalism, which is just a policy. On the issue of hegemony and power , it is also a pity that after all these empirical verifications in terms of current US strategic failures—in Iraq, Afghanistan and, soon to be, in Pakistan—traditional left has remained clueless.

Yet, in the intervening time between the collapse of the Pax Americana and the de facto recognition and thus establishment of a new global polity the world is condemned to a puzzling interval of disorder.


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  4. That is why the US government acts rather anachronistically in an imperialist fashion. However, behaving in an archaic manner is not a sign of triumph but a quintessential symptom of defeat and desperation. By the same token, there is also no anti-imperialist worthy of the name that would properly belong to the present epoch of history.

    At this juncture, the reader should be reminded that the role of state in the reproduction and distribution of capital is of crucial importance. Yet, the character of state itself is expressly identifiable through the attributes of the epoch in which it is a part and parcel. One has to note that no one here argues against the relative autonomy of the state from the structure of capital accumulation and class polarization.

    thesabevici.ml Yet, we need to recognize that as soon as the distinctive features of these foundations will give rise to epochal change, the quality and composition of state would change as well. This can be exemplified, for instance, by the fact that as soon as the International Petroleum Cartel collapsed just before the oil crisis in the early s , despite all diplomatic acrobatics, the cartel-dominated US foreign policy was also thrown out the window.

    They are very real but they are also unauthentic. This of course is not a matter of academic dispute anymore among a select number of elite intellectuals.

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    The context is much wider and the political implication is much deeper in the reality of everyday life. For instance, to identify the regime of the Islamic Republic as anti-imperialist is an affront to the cause of tens of millions of people, including the working class, in Iran. Yet, it is astonishing to note that there is a certain strand on the left that nevertheless mimics the orthodox international relations theory and unambiguously and sadly misidentifies the US interests with epochal interests of the global community.

    Consequently, the current doctrine of US foreign policy has a negligible bearing on the facts on the ground, which more often than not remains antithetical to the objectives of the emerging global order.

    Bound By Deceit Crossroads Of Inner Light Book 1

    Here, mechanical generalization and indeed overgeneralization of the concept of imperialism creates illusion that the age of colonial and neo-colonial imperialism is order of the day. In this transitory period of confusion, all political tendencies, including the various factions of the bourgeoisie itself, are inclusively prone to criss-crossing along diverse loyalties. Furthermore, in this state of confusion, it is not at all surprising that also the archaic religious ideologies i.

    The above context is an attempt to establish why the Iranian pseudo-left turned all the way reactionary, consistent with the shocking and shameful record of its earlier celebration of and collaboration with the Islamic Republic in Iran back in the early s.